4 of the 5 Belgian ministers at the climate conference cannot make any real commitments

Federal climate minister Zakia Khattabi (Francophone green/Ecolo) insists:  ‘the climate crisis waits for no one, including the next federal government.’

Apart from Ms Khattabi, prime minister De Croo (Flemish liberal/Open VLD) and energy minister Tinne Van der Straeten (Flemish ecologist/Groen) represent the outgoing federal government. And the tenure of Brussels climate minister Alain Maron (Francophone green/Ecolo) is also virtually at an end. They cannot make any major commitments, especially about cash. All new commitments must be covered by the next government.

Only Flemish climate minister Melissa Depraetere (socialist Vooruit) represents a government in office for the next few years and is therefore allowed to make promises. The mere fact that she is going to the COP is a departure from the actions of her predecessor Zuhal Demir (Flemish nationalist/N-VA). Since 2019 no Flemish minister has attended a climate conference.

‘This Flemish government wants to be a lot more ambitious on climate,’ Ms Depraetere says. ‘But I also don't want others to decide in our stead. Because if you are not there, that is what happens: international climate agreements are made anyway, and you are not there to take decisions.’

Backbone of Belgian climate industry missing

Last year Belgian politicians mainly lobbied in favour of Belgian industry.  Industry had travelled to Dubai to win contracts for large construction projects in energy transition, for example hydrogen plants (John Cockerill) or offshore wind farms (Jan De Nul).

Some of these Belgian companies seem a little less enthusiastic this year. Yes, Jan De Nul, Fluxys, North Sea Port and Elia are sending their representatives. But some of the top firms are missing: Bekaert (steel), John Cockerill (hydrogen) and Euroclear (financial services).

The main reason for their absence: too few investment opportunities in Azerbaijan all three companies say. Furthermore, it is suggested that this COP offers too little visibility (Bekaert) or that there are ‘already enough projects running’ (Cockerill).

However, premier Alexander De Croo, who heads the Belgian delegation, does not agree with claims that Belgian industry is less well represented this year.

‘There is still a large Belgian delegation,’ Mr De Croo insists. ‘The transition to a climate-friendly economy will be made with our companies, not without them. Bringing attention to our climate solutions is a good thing. If industry moves away from Europe, it will move to countries with less strict climate rules’ the Belgian leader argues.

How fair is Belgian development aid?

But even without Belgian industry, there is definitely something at stake for Belgium at this COP. After all, this year is about the cash and that will also have consequences for Belgium.

Belgian climate finance spending has risen sharply in recent years. Federal spending alone accounts for almost 90 per cent of all Belgian aid, having tripled over the past parliament from €70 million in 2020 to €216 million last year.

Much of that money goes to African countries, for example for the Great Green Wall against desertification in the Sahel, research in the Congolese rainforest and improved weather measurements in cooperation with the Met Office.

70 per cent of Belgian climate money is donated in the form of grants. Other OECD countries tend to do things differently. Most climate aid from rich countries like France is disbursed in the form of loans. As a result, not only does that money eventually flowback to the West, but the donor countries often earn something from it as well.

But is Belgian climate aid sufficient? That depends on who you ask, and how you do the calculation. According to the authoritative climate website Carbon Brief, Belgium already started paying enough to offset its historical share of current global warming in 2020.

But when the Belgian foreign ministry recently made the exercise, it suggested a much higher amount was needed than what Belgium is spending now: €540 million.

For sure, Prime Minister De Croo wants to close the (huge) gap between what poorer countries are asking for and what richer ones are willing to give, using private funding. This could be done, for instance, by using pension funds for climate investments in the South, or by making it easier for companies to invest there. But poorer countries are suspicious of that money from the private sector. They still feel western governments are shirking too many of their responsibilities.