Flemish front pages focus all attention on N-VA leader Bart De Wever, the man who took his Flemish nationalist party to an unexpected victory in Sunday’s federal and Flemish elections. Commentators agree: his campaign was strategically well thought-out, and it worked.
Mr De Wever is stronger than ever and must now deliver on his promises. It remains to be seen how easily he will succeed in doing so, both in Flanders and in federal politics.
De Morgen: ‘Bart De Wever will have to choose’
‘Bart De Wever triumphs, will he now change Belgium?’, De Morgen wonders on its front page. The paper features a full-page photo of the N-VA president making the victory sign.
Vlaams Belang did win, but not enough. Not even enough to be allowed to claim the widely expected first place in Flanders predicted by the polls. Both psychologically and politically it yet again makes the N-VA the big winner of this surprising vote, chief commentator Bart Eeckhout writes.
This surprise is largely due to De Wever, who ran a formidable campaign. He confronted the far right directly, repeatedly took the measure of Vlaams Belang leader Tom Van Grieken and forced the public debate towards his theme: Flemish prosperity.
Forming governments is never easy in Belgium, but the results have the advantage of clarity. A good share of Flemish voters gave De Wever the mandate to lead the Flemish and federal coalition formation process. Another large section of voters opted for a left alternative to counter austerity policies. In French-speaking Belgium, you see the same tendencies. This does not make agreement on a coalition accord easy, but neither is it impossible.
Victories do create responsibility. A Flemish-nationalist as prime minister implementing conservative-liberal policy, restoring public finances to health, with left-wing partners and keeping the promise of a state reform, which only exists in a fantasy, in his pocket.
Bart De Wever will have to choose, even now that he has a mandate in his pocket.
Het Laatste Nieuws: ‘Federally it doesn't have to be very difficult’
And yes, here again Bart De Wever with the V-sign features full-page on the front of the paper. Alongside, a triumphant Tom Van Grieken of Vlaams Belang (‘And yet we are winners’) and a sparingly smiling Conner Rousseau of socialist Vooruit (‘More than 58,000 preferential votes’).
The newspaper also highlights the winner of the elections in Wallonia: ‘Bouchez triumphs with MR, PS receives blows'. And Prime Minister Alexander De Croo in an embrace with his wife after his speech at the Open VLD headquarters: ‘De Croo in tears’.
The signal is clear, says political journalist Isolde Van den Eynde. The Fleming backs Bart De Wever. The party stands its ground and even remains the largest in Flanders. This is not just being able to hold on to the status quo, it is more than that. Bart De Wever said, ‘It is now or never.’ But the voter said, ‘It is now.’ He polled more than 185,000 votes. De Wever can no longer shrug off responsibility.
In Flanders, N-VA, CD&V and Vooruit are condemned to each other; federally, Bart De Wever is ‘incontournable’ (i.e. indispensable). Georges-Louis Bouchez' Francophone liberals, who have become the largest in Wallonia, also shines with prime ministerial ambitions. The man who was placed in receivership by his own party has completely revived his party. And the MR's victory can really be credited to him, not to Sophie Wilmès.
The federal options are limited, but at the same time, forming a Belgian government soon need not be very difficult. A coalition with CD&V, Les Engagés, N-VA, Vooruit and MR would get 85 out of 150 seats.
This would not be a coalition of losers, but one mostly of winners.
De Standaard: ‘The challenge of his political life’
‘Bart De Wever gets the impossible done,’ summarises De Standaard on its front page.
And we are repeating ourselves, but here too the choice is De Wever stepping into N-VA headquarters with a V-sign. "Bart De Wever is pretty much single-handedly keeping the far right from victory. He now faces the biggest challenge of his political life: can he become prime minister?"
A voter rebellion threatened to turn against all centrist parties. But De Wever directed the frustration at the politics of which Alexander De Croo has gradually become the personification, Karel Verhoeven writes.
Politics whose cynicism and lack of direction can no longer be covered up with style and flair. Open VLD has governed itself to death at the helm of a government that allowed the business of politics to degenerate into a bitter and perpetual campaign.
A similar beating could have awaited the Flemish government and its prime minister. Two of the three government parties received a drabbing. But once again Bart De Wever steered all the criticism towards Vivaldi (i.e. Mr De Croo’s government). In the federal government only Vooruit escaped the voter's chastisement.
The world of classical politics has not returned. Vlaams Belang books a victory, but the party cannot force anything through.
But the Flemish electoral map is now coloured entirely yellow and black. That so many Flemish-nationalist far-right votes will remain inactive suits De Wever perfectly.
